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What's worse is that they are selling it [information about you] for profit. So, I think the privacy concern [around Aadhaar] is bogus. Friedman first discussed his views on globalization in the book The Lexus and the Olive Tree Friedman believes that individual countries must sacrifice some degree of economic sovereignty to global institutions such as capital markets and multinational corporations , a situation he has termed the "golden straitjacket".


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He has also expressed concern about the United States' lack of energy independence. He has stated, "First rule of oil—addicts never tell the truth to their pushers. We are the addicts, the oil producers are the pushers—we've never had an honest conversation with the Saudis. In , Friedman viewed American immigration laws as too restrictive and damaging to U.

After visiting the San Ysidro Port of Entry in San Diego, California in early April , Friedman wrote, "The whole day left me more certain than ever that we have a real immigration crisis and that the solution is a high wall with a big gate — but a smart gate. After the September 11 attacks in , Friedman's writing focused more on the threat of terrorism and the Middle East.

From Beirut to Jerusalem Summary & Study Guide Description

He was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Commentary "for his clarity of vision, based on extensive reporting, in commenting on the worldwide impact of the terrorist threat". These columns were collected and published in the book Longitudes and Attitudes. State Department to "shine a spotlight on hate speech wherever it appears", and to create a quarterly "War of Ideas Report, which would focus on those religious leaders and writers who are inciting violence against others".

Lebanon warns Israel against blatant aggression - Middle East - Jerusalem Post

These excuse makers are just one notch less despicable than the terrorists and also deserve to be exposed. When you live in an open society like London, where anyone with a grievance can publish an article, run for office or start a political movement, the notion that blowing up a busload of innocent civilians in response to Iraq is somehow "understandable" is outrageous.

Rubin said, "and an open society needs to maintain a clear wall between them. During the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia , Friedman wrote the following in The New York Times on April 23, "Like it or not, we are at war with the Serbian nation the Serbs certainly think so , and the stakes have to be very clear: Every week you ravage Kosovo is another decade we will set your country back by pulverizing you. You want ? We can do We can do too.

Why not revive the idea, proposed but never adopted in Vietnam, of bombing the enemy all the way back to the Stone Age? Friedman supported the invasion of Iraq , writing that the establishment of a democratic state in the Middle East would force other countries in the region to liberalize and modernize. The inspections have not worked yet, says Mr.

But the inspections have failed not because of a shortage of inspectors. They have failed because of a shortage of compliance on Saddam's part, as the French know. The way you get that compliance out of a thug like Saddam is not by tripling the inspectors, but by tripling the threat that if he does not comply he will be faced with a U.

Bush administration. Nevertheless, until his piece dated August 4, see below , his columns remained hopeful to the possibility of a positive conclusion to the Iraq conflict although his optimism appeared to steadily diminish as the conflict continued. Friedman chided George W. Bush and Tony Blair for "hyping" the evidence, and stated plainly that converting Iraq to democracy "would be a huge undertaking, though, and maybe impossible, given Iraq's fractious history". In January , he participated in a forum on Slate called " Liberal Hawks Reconsider the Iraq War", in which he dismisses the justification for war based on Iraq's lack of compliance with the U.

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Resolutions: "The right reason for this war.. That report said the Arab world is falling off the globe because of a lack of freedom, women's empowerment, and modern education. The right reason for this war was to partner with Arab moderates in a long-term strategy of dehumiliation and redignification. In his September 29, , column in The New York Times , Friedman entertained the idea of supporting the Kurds and Shias in a civil war against the Sunnis : "If they the Sunnis won't come around, we should arm the Shiites and Kurds and leave the Sunnis of Iraq to reap the wind.

Critics of Friedman's position on the Iraq War have noted his recurrent assertion that "the next six months" will prove critical in determining the outcome of the conflict. The blogger Atrios coined the neologism " Friedman Unit " to refer to this unit of time in relation to Iraq, noting its use as a supposedly critical window of opportunity. In a live television interview aired June 11, , on CNN , Howard Kurtz asked Friedman about the concept: "Now, I want to understand how a columnist's mind works when you take positions, because you were chided recently for writing several times in different occasions 'the next six months are crucial in Iraq.

And I will continue to reflect. It's really time to set a deadline. Friedman states,"The best tool we have for curbing Iran's influence is not containment or engagement, but getting the price of oil down in the long term with conservation and an alternative-energy strategy. Let's exploit Iran's oil addiction by ending ours".

In Hot, Flat, and Crowded , he says that "any car company that gets taxpayer money must demonstrate a plan for transforming every vehicle in its fleet to a hybrid-electric engine with flex-fuel capability, so its entire fleet can also run on next generation cellulosic ethanol ". In a Fresh Dialogues interview, Friedman described his motivations for writing the book: "My concern is about America Demand for clean energy, clean fuel and energy efficiency is clearly going to explode; it's going to be the next great global industry.

By being big in the next big thing, we'll be seen by the rest of the world as working on the most important problem in the world. Some of Friedman's environmental critics question his support of still-undeveloped coal pollution mitigation technology "clean coal" and coal mining as emblematic of Friedman's less than "green" commitment to renewable energy. Others [ who? Friedman has been criticized by organizations such as Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting for defending Israeli airstrikes in Lebanon as a form of "educating" Israel's opponents; according to FAIR, Friedman was explicitly endorsing terrorism by Israel against Lebanese and Palestinians.

Political reporter Belen Fernandez heavily critiques Friedman's commentary regarding Israel. Among other criticisms, Fernandez singles out Friedman's suggestion that Israeli forces were unaware that their allied Lebanese militias carried out the Sabra and Shatila massacre while under their guard, contradicting the assessments of other journalists and observers; his encouragement of strong-armed force by the Israeli army against Palestinians; and his opposition to settlements only on the grounds that they are counter-productive, rather than because they violate international law or cause suffering for Palestinians.

Fernandez suggests that Friedman is most worried about successfully maintaining Israel's Jewish ethnocracy and actively opposing a "one-man, one-vote" system of democracy.

Friedman has also come under criticism from supporters of Israel. In an op-ed, Yitzhak Benhorin criticized Friedman's alleged suggestion that Israel relinquish territory it had occupied in the Middle Eastern War. Friedman sparked criticism for writing that congressional ovations for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu were "bought and paid for by the Israel lobby. This indicates that the people's elected representatives are fully reflecting the will of the voters.

In September , Friedman wrote an article praising China's one-party autocracy , saying that it was "led by a reasonably enlightened group of people" [65] and that China's leaders are "boosting gasoline prices" and "overtaking us in electric cars, solar power, energy efficiency, batteries, nuclear power and wind power. Friedman's work is popular in China. His book The World is Flat was a bestseller in the country, although criticism of China in the book was removed when it was published in the country.

In Friedman's interview, he mentioned that "Our view of the Middle East is deeply colored by Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey and they all have their own interest. Iranians had a spontaneous demonstration to support Americans on Saudi Arabia is that Iran has real politics A country of 85 million people, a great civilization, many educated men and women, if they want to get a bomb WILL get it. They have demonstrated they could do it under the most severe sanctions Show me where Iranians have acted reckless [like Saddam Hussein].

These are survivors. In the s, Friedman wrote several columns supporting the politics of radical centrism. In one he stated that, if the "radical center wants to be empowered, it can't just whine. It needs its own grass-roots movement". That column decried "the two-party duopoly that has dominated American political life". American journalist and former civil rights litigator Glenn Greenwald , writing for Salon on July 25, , commented: "His status among American elites is the single most potent fact for understanding the nation's imperial decline.

Some critics have derided Friedman's idiosyncratic prose style, with its tendency to use mixed metaphors and analogies. Walter Russell Mead described his prose as being "an occasionally flat Midwestern demotic punctuated by gee-whiz exclamations about just how doggone irresistible globalization is — lacks the steely elegance of a Lippmann , the unobtrusive serviceability of a Scotty Reston or the restless fireworks of a Maureen Dowd and is best taken in small doses.

In a column for the New York Press , Alexander Cockburn wrote: "Friedman exhibits on a weekly basis one of the severest cases known to science of Lippmann's condition, named for the legendary journalistic hot-air salesman, Walter Lippmann , and alluding to the inherent tendency of all pundits to swell in self-importance to zeppelin-like dimensions". Cockburn said Friedman's hubris allowed him to pass off another war correspondent's experience in Beirut as his own.

I mean it as a clinical diagnosis of an almost-illiterate man who has been cheated out of a proper undergraduate education, sold as a liberal Zionist to the highest bidder, and thus has managed to ramble and blabber his way up as a top-notch New York Times columnist. In April , Barrett Brown criticized Friedman for "his serial habit of giving the benefit of the doubt to whoever happens to hold power", [84] such as Friedman's column supporting Vladimir Putin as a modernizing reformer, in which he urged Americans to "keep rootin' for Putin".

Friedman [87] has hosted several documentaries for the Discovery Channel from several locations around the world. Also in , Thomas L. This program investigated how the Sept. In The Other Side of Outsourcing , [89] he visited a call centre in Bangalore , interviewing the young Indians working there, and then travelled to an impoverished rural part of India, where he debated the pros and cons of globalization with locals this trip spawned his later book The World is Flat. In Does Europe Hate Us?

Lebanon warns Israel against blatant aggression

In it he examined the geopolitical, economic, and environmental consequences of petroleum use and ways that green technologies such as alternative fuels and energy efficiency and conservation can reduce oil dependence. In Green: The New Red, White and Blue , [92] Friedman elaborates on the green technologies and efforts touched on in Addicted to Oil and in doing so, attempts to redefine green energy as geostrategic, geoeconomic, capitalistic and patriotic.

He explores efforts by companies and individuals to reduce their carbon footprint and save money with conservation, efficiency, and technologies such as solar, wind, biomass, nuclear, and clean coal.